In the 90s of the 20th century, our country found itself in a state of acute civilizational crisis. Its most striking manifestation was the collapse of the state formation of the Russian Empire - the Soviet Union, formed over the last three centuries, and in its place a completely new one arose - the Russian Federation, Russia, a different political structure, economic structure and social structure.

With the collapse of the USSR, the geopolitical position of Russia changed dramatically. It lost its seaports on the Baltic and Black Seas. Many zones of influence were lost - the so-called “containment shells” and military bases. The number of armed forces has been reduced and their technical equipment has deteriorated. Without any historical grounds, vast territories of the Southern Urals (the lands of the former Ural Cossack army) and Southern Siberia, populated predominantly by Russians, were transferred to Kazakhstan. The stumbling block in Russian-Ukrainian relations was Crimea, which was transferred from the RSFSR to Ukraine in 1954. An enclave appeared - the Kaliningrad region, cut off from the rest of the Russian Federation by the territories of Belarus and Lithuania. There were 25 million ethnic Russians in neighboring states.

Russia in geopolitical space. The collapse of the USSR provoked not only a general crisis of Russian civilization, but also became the largest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century. The disappearance of the largest of the powers from the political map of the world destroyed the relatively stable world order that emerged after the Second World War and was based on the military-strategic parity of the two superpowers - the USSR and the USA. One of the poles of power simply disappeared, and in its place a dozen independent states arose, the vectors of geopolitical interests not only did not coincide, but were often directly opposite. Under these conditions, Russia was forced not only to re-equip the state space, but also to develop a new political strategy.

Sovereign Russia, first of all, was interested in preserving the belt of good neighborliness with the so-called “near abroad” - the former union republics of the USSR that became independent states. However, the new political elites in the post-Soviet space sought to independently enter the “civilized world” in order to receive Western loans and investments. Problems of dividing property, weapons, forming new bodies of power and administration, creating new armies, territorial demarcation - all this became a source of disagreement and fueled mutual distrust between the countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

And yet, increasing instability forced the leadership of the countries that emerged in the post-Soviet space to begin searching for ways of mutually beneficial and constructive cooperation. In January 1993, at a meeting of the heads of state of the CIS in Minsk, the Charter of this organization was adopted. It indicated that the CIS is not a state, but only records the readiness of its members to cooperate in the political, economic, environmental, and humanitarian fields, ensuring human rights and freedoms in accordance with generally recognized norms. In total, in the 90s, Russia signed more than 200 different agreements with the CIS countries. In September 1995, the President of the Russian Federation approved a document entitled “Russia’s Strategic Course with the CIS States.” It confirmed the priority nature of our country’s relations with the countries of the Commonwealth. The territory of the former USSR was declared a zone of vital interests of our country in the field of economy, defense, security, and protection of the rights of Russians. Therefore, the goal of Russia's policy towards the CIS countries was proclaimed to be the creation of an economically and politically integrated association of states capable of claiming a worthy place in the world community. Russia has pledged not to interfere in the internal affairs of its neighbors, giving them the opportunity to form their own political regimes. This line corresponded to the concept of a multipolar world that had become established in Russia, within the framework of which it was assigned the role of an independent center of power in world politics, and the consolidation of the CIS countries was seen as an important condition for the return of Russia to the status of a great power.

In October 1994, the CIS countries confirmed their course towards economic integration following the example of the European Union. In January 1995, an agreement on the Customs Union between Russia and Belarus was signed in Moscow, to which Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan joined. He established a preferential regime for the movement of goods and capital across state borders.

Russia and Belarus have special relations. The common ethnic origin and historical destinies largely contributed to the fact that in April 1996 the Russian-Belarusian agreement on the formation of the “Community of Sovereign Republics” was concluded. A year later, presidents B.N. Yeltsin and A.G. Lukashenko signed an agreement on the “Union of Russia and Belarus”. In December 1999, the Union was transformed into the Union State. Both sides announced the introduction of a single trade and customs tariff policy, while maintaining their sovereignty and existing power structures.

Russian foreign policy in the 90s was determined by a number of factors. At the global level, Russia inherited from the USSR representation in authoritative international and regional organizations. It retained the status of one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council and the “right of veto”. At the state level, the country’s foreign policy was focused on solving a dual task: on the one hand, to create a favorable international environment to ensure reliable national security and carry out reforms in the country, on the other hand, to ensure Russia’s significant participation in the formation of a new world order.

However, the economic and resource potential of the newly formed country experienced serious difficulties. Therefore, in the first half of the 90s, the priority goal of foreign policy was to ensure the receipt of loans and attract foreign investment. In addition, euphoria reigned in the public consciousness at all levels. Politicians, and after them the wider population, expected that a radical turn from confrontation to rapprochement with Western countries would automatically change their attitude towards Russia and mobilize massive political support and economic assistance. In the early 90s, the new Russian political leadership was guided by the Western model of development, and the United States and Western Europe were presented as the main allies and partners, both in the international arena and in carrying out democratic reforms in Russia.

Meanwhile, in the West the situation was perceived differently. Our country was considered a loser of the Cold War, they were in no hurry to establish a “strategic partnership” with it, and certainly did not consider Russia as an equal ally. At best, she was assigned the role of a junior partner, and any manifestation of independence was seen as a relapse of Soviet imperial policy. Ignoring Russia’s interests was evidenced by opposition to reintegration processes in the post-Soviet space, as well as NATO’s advance towards its borders (in 1999, Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary became full members of the alliance, and Albania, Bulgaria, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia and Estonia are candidates for membership). Visa and customs barriers remained.

Contrary to promises, the United States did not provide targeted, massive support for Russian reforms. In fact, the West did not want to carry out an effective reconstruction of the Russian national economy. American assistance concentrated in the areas of nuclear disarmament, macroeconomic reforms and humanitarian projects. Over the last decade of the 20th century, Russia received only $5.45 billion in aid. Against the backdrop of hundreds of billions of dollars of investment in communist China, the modesty of investment in Russia looks like the best evidence of the collapse of the economic dreams of Russian Westerners.

All this had a sobering effect on the Russian political elite. In the mid-90s, the conviction grew stronger that the only reliable guideline for foreign policy should be the firm defense of national interests. Greater realism has emerged in assessing the consequences of the collapse of the USSR and the situation in the world. An analysis of the progress of reforms within Russia led to the conclusion that copying Western experience without carefully taking into account the characteristics of one’s own country is unproductive. Awareness of the geopolitical and cultural-historical uniqueness of Russia revived interest in the ideas of Eurasianism, which began to be seen as the basis of foreign policy strategy.

The main foreign policy problems that Russia faced at the end of the 20th century were the extreme weakness of the state, the uncertainty of foreign partners about the stability of the internal political situation in Russia, the unpredictability of the actions of the Russian leadership during the presidency of B.N. Yeltsin. The huge external debt, as well as the default of 1998, were the main factors that determined the attitude towards Russia from the world community. Creditors, most notably the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which is under the de facto control of the US government, sought to use the debt problem to exert political pressure on Russia.

Reforming the Russian economy. By the time of the collapse of the USSR, the socio-economic situation in Russia was extremely difficult. It was necessary to begin a search for a way out of the historical impasse in which the country found itself as a result of the “perestroika” policy. The situation in the economy was almost catastrophic: in 1991, national income decreased by more than 10%, internal debt increased to 6 billion, and external debt to 76 billion dollars. In addition, Russia assumed obligations to pay the debts of the USSR in amounting to 100 billion dollars

The economic crisis forced the government to concentrate its efforts on solving economic problems. The main directions of market reforms formulated by President B.N. Yeltsin were as follows:

1. Liberalization of prices and trade. One-time introduction of free prices from January 1992. Expected results: establishing market prices for goods, eliminating commodity shortages, launching a competition mechanism, stimulating business activity, accelerating trade turnover, creating an infrastructure for the sale of domestic and imported products.

2. Financial stabilization. Expected results: reduction of inflation, establishment of a stable ruble exchange rate.

3. Widespread privatization of state property. Expected results: turning the population into owners, creating incentives for people to do business.

The government had to implement the market reform, the actual leadership of which was exercised by Deputy Prime Minister E.T. Gaidar. The “Young Reformers” relied on rapid reform. This policy was called “shock therapy.” Price liberalization began on January 2, 1992. The Presidential Decree “On Freedom of Trade” was issued, which decreed a revolutionary transition to a new system of economic relations. All enterprises, regardless of their form of ownership, and all citizens were given the right to conduct trade, purchasing and intermediary activities without special permits, including setting their own prices. Stock, i.e. the planned and state-controlled distribution of manufactured products was canceled.

At the same time, measures were taken to achieve financial stabilization and reduce the budget deficit. The state has actually stopped investing in industry and agriculture. The tax system was changed: a value added tax of 28% was introduced. This made it possible to somewhat support the revenue side of the budget, but accelerated the rise in prices. In a matter of weeks, prices increased 10–12 times. At the same time, an increase in wages and pensions by only 70% led to the fact that the majority of the population found themselves below the poverty line.

Following this, privatization began. Its essence was the transfer of property rights from the state to private individuals. Small enterprises were subject to sale at auctions and competitions. By June 1994, 85 thousand shops, restaurants, cafes, and consumer service enterprises passed into private hands, which amounted to more than 70% of all small enterprises in the country. Medium and large enterprises were privatized according to a different scheme. First, they were transformed into joint stock companies (JSC), and then their shares were sold. During 1992–1994 the sale of shares was carried out not for money, but for special securities - privatization checks (vouchers). Therefore, this stage of denationalization of property was called “voucher privatization.” The book value of enterprises according to 1984 data was divided by the number of citizens of the country and everyone was given checks for an amount approximately corresponding to his personal share. The denomination of the voucher was set at 10 thousand rubles. A total of 144 million privatization checks were distributed. 96% of the country's population received them. Vouchers theoretically gave every citizen of the Russian Federation the opportunity to become a shareholder in an enterprise.

The effect of the government measures was contradictory. By the spring of 1992, the consumer market was saturated with goods, and the queues were reduced. Street trading was actively developing. The threat of the collapse of the national economy and the complete collapse of economic ties was eliminated. The shortage of goods gave way to a shortage of money. At the same time, an extremely high price was paid for the rapid destruction of old economic patterns and the release of space for market relations. In 1992, gross domestic product (GDP) decreased by 14.5%, industrial production by 18%, and investment in fixed assets by 40%. Financial stabilization did not take place, inflation amounted to a fantastic 2500–2600%. The ruble exchange rate fell rapidly: from 300 rubles. for 1 US dollar in the spring of 1992 up to 4500 rubles. by the end of 1994, the fall in production and high inflation led to a breakdown in economic relations, which, in turn, provoked a production crisis.

The financial situation of citizens has sharply worsened. The savings stored in savings banks quickly depreciated, and wages for employees of state enterprises and organizations (public sector employees) increased extremely slowly. The rate of inflation significantly outstripped its growth.

The inconsistency of reforms led to Russia's gross domestic product falling by 55% during the 1990s. Investments in the Russian economy decreased by 73%. In 1990, Russia's GDP was 5% of the world's (the USSR as a whole was 8.5%). By 1999, the Russian Federation accounted for slightly more than 1% of the world's gross product.

To solve emerging problems, the government attracted external borrowings. As of January 1, 2000, Russia's external public debt amounted to $132.8 billion (about 60% of GDP), and the total external debt was $177.7 billion. From 1992 to 1998, internal public debt in the form of government short-term liabilities (GKO) increased from 1 trillion. up to 10.8 trillion. rub.

The government tried to stimulate business activity. A new stage of privatization began - a monetary one: shares of enterprises went on public sale at market prices. At the same time, enterprises received the right to freely enter the foreign market. However, only sectors of the fuel and energy complex turned out to be competitive.

The total number of taxes was reduced, and tax rates were reduced by 10–12%. To attract investment into the economy, the government stimulated the creation of financial-industrial groups (FIGs), suggesting that it would be more convenient to collect and use the population’s money through the banking system. But instead of investing in the real sector of the economy, financial industrial groups engaged in speculative operations. The government began to issue official debt securities (GKOs) at high interest rates (up to 300%) in rubles. Thus, the state power itself organized speculative transactions.

The mechanism of borrowing through the GKO system, launched by the state in 1996, led to a natural crisis by 1998. By 1998, the state found itself saddled with enormous debt. The situation was aggravated by the unfavorable international situation, which was characterized by two trends that were painful for Russia. The first is the global financial crisis, which broke out in the fall of 1997. The influx of investment stopped, money began to “leave” the country. The consequence of this was a decline in production, a reduction in tax revenues, and failure to fulfill budget obligations. The second negative trend is a sharp drop in oil prices. Having dropped to $10 per barrel in the spring of 1998, they made oil production in Russia unprofitable. The consequence of all this was a rapid increase in the debt burden. In the summer of 1998, Russia had to pay $60 billion in external and internal debts. State revenues for this period amounted to just over $20 billion.

Ultimately, on August 17, 1998, the Russian government and the Central Bank announced the devaluation of the national currency and default (refusal to pay debts). In addition, a moratorium was introduced on the payment of debts of commercial banks to foreign investors. This decision had nothing to do with state interests. With this act, the state protected the interests of the owners of these banks and demonstrated the construction of “oligarchic capitalism” in Russia.

As a result of the default, the entire Russian banking system was on the verge of collapse. Several large banks went bankrupt. The volume of household deposits accumulated in commercial banks decreased by 15% in ruble terms, and in real terms by 52%. Banks began to refuse to withdraw money from accounts and deposits to their clients. Prices for consumer goods have risen sharply. Many small and medium-sized enterprises went bankrupt. Hundreds of thousands of people belonging to the so-called middle class lost their sources of income.

However, the threefold devaluation of the ruble allowed the economy to enter a recovery period. The fall of the ruble has made it possible for domestic products to compete with imported goods. The economic situation began to stabilize from the beginning of 1999, when some favorable trends emerged, in particular, an increase in production, especially in the field of consumer goods and food products. The consequence of this was an increase in tax revenues to the budget.

The results of the first stage of market reforms in Russia were as follows. 138 thousand former state-owned enterprises changed their form of ownership, which made it possible to establish the production of competitive products and increase retail trade turnover. Already in 1998, the private sector produced 2/3 of GDP, and its share had a steady growth trend. The monopoly of state ownership of land was eliminated. Of the 25 thousand collective and state farms, only a third retained their status. About 12 million workers of agricultural enterprises became owners of land shares. More than 60% of all agricultural land came into their possession. At the same time, the process of creating farms began. By 1997, their number reached 279 thousand. But at the same time, farmers accounted for only 5% of farmland. More than half of them had less than 20 hectares of land, which did not allow for efficient mechanized production. Most farms were unprofitable. The collapse of the agro-industrial complex led to the removal of approximately 30 million hectares of arable land from agricultural production.

All this gives reason to say that the socio-economic model created during the first decade of Russian reforms has demonstrated its ineffectiveness.

State and political reforms in Russia. The most important task of domestic policy was the formation of new authorities and Russian statehood. From the very beginning of the declaration of independence, B.N. Yeltsin and his supporters were guided by the use of the European model of political structure: a) concentration of legislative power in the hands of a bicameral parliament formed on the basis of a multi-party system; b) a strong executive branch in the person of the president with broad powers; c) judicial power – Constitutional and Supreme courts. It was supposed to introduce alternative and competitive elections, create independent media, and, in the future, form a civil society.

By the end of 1991, most allied structures, including law enforcement agencies, came under the jurisdiction of Russia. However, disagreements began to arise between the President and the Congress of People's Deputies on issues of state building, powers and responsibility of government bodies for decisions made. The imperfections of the Constitution of the RSFSR, which had been in force since 1978, were revealed, which forced changes and additions to be made to it at each Congress of People's Deputies.

Soon after the August 1991 events, a presidential decree was issued, according to which the so-called “vertical of executive power” was introduced. B.N. Yeltsin received the right to individually appoint heads of administrations of territories and regions, as well as to dismiss them from office. In addition, his decrees were given the force of laws.

Meanwhile, in a multi-party environment, the position of the Congress of People's Deputies began to change. The number of supporters of B.N. Yeltsin's position in it has noticeably decreased, since many who previously supported the President's course, but did not agree with the methods of carrying out reforms, began to gravitate towards the communists and other left factions. In 1992, the majority of deputies supported the redistribution of powers in favor of the Congress and the Supreme Council. Activities of B.N. Yeltsin and the Russian government were sharply criticized.

The reason for the confrontation between the executive and legislative branches of government was the distribution of power, or more precisely, control over the government, which both sides claimed. The leader of the forces opposing B.N. Yeltsin, became Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation R.I. Khasbulatov. He was supported by Vice President A.V. Rutskoy. The confrontation between the branches of power went so far that in the spring of 1993 the Supreme Council submitted to a national referendum the question of early elections of the President and people's deputies. However, during the referendum held on April 25, B.N. Yeltsin and his reform course received the support of the majority of the country's population; early elections did not take place.

This made it possible for B.N. Yeltsin to force the adoption of a new Constitution that would consolidate his powers. But the draft Basic Law submitted to the Supreme Council was not supported by deputies. Then the President went to forcefully break the constitutional system and on September 21, 1993 announced the dissolution of the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies. Parliament, in turn, announced the actions of B.N. Yeltsin was illegal and refused to obey his decree, and transferred presidential powers to Vice President A.V. Rutsky. The extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies, which met in Moscow at the same time, adopted a resolution on holding early elections of people's deputies and the President of the Russian Federation. In response, on September 28, the parliament building (“White House”), where the opposition forces were concentrated, was surrounded by troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and cut off from power supplies and communications.

On October 3, supporters of the Supreme Council also turned to force: they managed to seize the Moscow City Hall building, and an attempt was made to take control of the Ostankino television center. By decree of the President, a state of emergency was introduced in Moscow, troops entered the city, and on October 4 they fired at the building of the Supreme Council from tank guns and forced its defenders to surrender. Opposition leaders were arrested. This was followed by a series of presidential decrees on the cessation of the activities of councils in the center at the local level. Their powers were transferred to the heads of local administration. Thus, Soviet power, established in October 1917, was eliminated.

On December 12, 1993, elections were held to a new bicameral parliament - the Federal Assembly. The Liberal Democratic Party of V.V. received the largest number of votes (23%). Zhirinovsky; second place was taken by the pro-presidential bloc “Russia’s Choice” E.T. Gaidar, third – Communist Party of G.A. Zyuganov. None of the parties had an absolute majority in parliament, which predetermined a sharp struggle on fundamental issues of socio-economic policy and international relations.

During the elections, a vote was also held on the draft of the new Constitution, the adoption of which was supported by 58.4% of voters. The Constitution proclaimed Russia a federal democratic state with a republican form of government and separation of legislative, executive and judicial powers. The subjects of the Federation received a high degree of independence without the right to secede from its composition. The Constitution has given the President enormous powers. He became simultaneously the head of state and government, and received the right of suspensive veto over decisions of the Federal Assembly. The President was given the right to appoint the head of government and dissolve the State Duma if it rejected the candidacy of the Prime Minister three times. This volume of presidential powers created the basis for the restoration of an authoritarian regime in the country.

However, as a result of the 1993 elections and the adoption of the new Constitution in Russia, the most important institutions of a democratic society were created - a bicameral parliament, the Constitutional Court, and mechanisms for interaction between the legislative and executive branches of government were determined.

However, the difficulties of reforming the economy and the hardships of life in the transition period have disillusioned large sections of the population with liberalism and democracy. The absence of a unified ideology and reform program in B.N.’s circle also affected. Yeltsin. Among the so-called “democrats” the tendency towards permissiveness, populism and irresponsible lies has prevailed. As a result, the division in society continued to deepen.

It was reflected in a new round of confrontation between the executive and legislative branches of government. Parliament increasingly turned into a tribune for the opposition, and the president, fearing impeachment (removal from power), hesitated in adopting the law on political parties. To fill the political vacuum, instead of the “Choice of Russia” bloc, which collapsed due to disagreements between its constituent groups, the executive branch initiated the creation of the “Our Home is Russia” movement, which, in essence, was a bureaucratic structure. The unifying principle in her was not the unity of political views, but her belonging to government bodies. In fact, this was a step towards the creation of a “party in power”, which impeded the development of a multi-party system and ultimately contradicted the principles of democracy.

Success B.N. Yeltsin in the 1996 presidential elections, as well as the victories of the “party in power” during the parliamentary elections of 1995 and 1999. strengthened authoritarian tendencies in the highest echelons of power. The executive branch became dominant, both at the federal and local levels. A special place in the structure of government bodies was occupied by the Presidential Administration, which was formed by the President on the principle of personal loyalty, and in fact stood above both the government and the Federal Assembly. Corruption flourished at all levels of government. The state's dependence on big capital became increasingly clear. The concept of “family” arose, in which, along with close relatives of B.N. Yeltsin included the most influential oligarchs (B.A. Berezovsky, V.O. Potanin), who actually ruled the country at the end of Yeltsin’s presidency.

Considering the importance of the media in the process of shaping public consciousness, the oligarchs acquired electronic and print media for next to nothing. With the help of controlled newspapers and television channels, big business began to exert a decisive influence on all spheres of life of society and the state, on the election of certain candidates to legislative and executive bodies. As a result, by the end of the reign of B.N. Yeltsin, instead of the promised liberal-democratic society, an authoritarian-oligarchic one was formed in Russia.

The real processes taking place in the country forced people to doubt the necessity and validity of reforms. Disappointment in liberalism and nostalgia for the Soviet past have become a serious obstacle to further modernization and democratization of Russia. The government bloc of the NDR (“Our Home is Russia”) was losing popular support and finally collapsed after the resignation of V.S. Chernomyrdin (March 1998) and his successor S.V. Kiriyenko (August of the same year). A number of political associations claimed the vacant seat of the “party in power,” which soon after the 1999 Duma elections united into the large pro-government party “United Russia.” As a result, she gained control over parliament: her faction numbered 235 deputies out of 450. On the right flank of the political spectrum, a new association took shape - the Union of Right Forces (SPS), which included supporters of the ideas of economic liberalism. The leaders of this party are A.B. Chubais, B.E. Nemtsov, I.M. Khakamada - were closely associated with the oligarchs and expressed their interests. The Yabloko party moderately criticized the government and focused primarily on the intelligentsia. However, her opposition was limited only to speeches from the parliamentary rostrum. Having never put forward any constructive program, it was unable to achieve success either at the federal or regional level, and gradually lost its influence. The Liberal Democratic Party, being a party of “one speaker,” had support among voters who had little understanding of politics, as well as among the lumpen segments of the population. At the same time, its leader V.V. Zhirinovsky, scattering populist slogans, never opposed the ruling regime. As for the communists, they were losing voter support due to calls to return to the Soviet past. Although many of the communists' demands were reasonable and justified, their adherence to ideological dogmas, as well as counter-propaganda from the media, did not contribute to the growth of the number of their supporters. But at the same time, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation firmly retained its electorate (13–15%), which consisted mainly of people of retirement age.

Radical reforms, carried out without taking into account the opinions and interests of the majority of the country's population, significantly influenced people's attitudes towards President B.N. Yeltsin and his entourage. In the initial period of his activity as head of state, he enjoyed the confidence of the masses as a national leader not associated with any political party. But after the shooting of the parliament building, the outbreak of the Chechen war, the ruin of the country and the establishment of oligarchic rule, he lost respect in society. Realizing this, in the late 90s. B.N. Yeltsin was actively looking for a successor among people from the security forces. On December 31, 1999, he announced his voluntary resignation and the transfer of presidential powers to Prime Minister V.V. Putin.

Control questions

1. What are the main vectors of modern Russia’s foreign policy? Indicate its priority areas.

2. What are the main provisions and results of the economic reforms of the 1990s?

3. What caused the radicalism and incompleteness of economic reforms?

4. What were the main reasons for the confrontation between B.N. Yeltsin and the Supreme Soviet of Russia in 1992–1993?

5. Give a description of the political system of the modern Russian state.

Literature

Russian modernization: reflecting on identity. M.: “Three squares”, 2008.

Russia in a globalizing world. Modernization of the Russian economy. M.: “Science”, 2007.

Modern transformations of Russian culture. M.: “Science”, 2005.

Shlapentokh V. Modern Russia as a feudal society. A new look at the post-Soviet era. M.: "CAPITAL-PRINT", 2008.

21 November 2012, 19:11

I already made a post about . And now I decided to make a series of posts about different years. Years will be chosen randomly according to mood))) today is 1990. The Silence of the Lambs (directed by Jonathan Demme, starring Jodie Foster and Anthony Hopkins). In South Africa, Nelson Mandela is released after 27 years in prison. A concert is being held at London's Wembley Stadium to commemorate Nelson Mandela's release from prison.
The UK introduces special taxation for married women.
Azerbaijan declares war on Armenia. American tennis player John McKinroe became the first player expelled from a Grand Slam tournament (at the Australian Open) for insulting a referee. The USSR declares its agreement to withdraw all its troops from Czechoslovakia by July 1991. In Chile, a change of political course took place peacefully (the military dictatorship was replaced by a democratically elected government). Lithuania announces its secession from the USSR and the creation of an independent state.
The Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR elected M. S. Gorbachev as President of the USSR. The Congress excluded Article 6 from the USSR Constitution on the leading role of the CPSU.
King Baudouin of Belgium temporarily renounces his throne so that the country's parliament can allow abortion. The monarch refuses to sign the new law for reasons of principle.
Greta Garbo, American film actress, has died (aged 84). Estonia announces its secession from the USSR and the creation of an independent state.
Microsoft introduced the Windows operating environment.
The representative of the ruling British dynasty, Princess Anne, arrives on an official visit to the USSR. This is the first visit by a member of the British royal family to the USSR since the 1917 revolution. Visit of USSR President M. S. Gorbachev to Canada and the USA (until June 1). Soviet-American agreements were signed, drawing a line under the Cold War.
After the death of Patriarch Pimen, Alexy II (Alexey Mikhailovich Ridiger), the former Metropolitan of Leningrad and Novgorod, was elected Patriarch of Moscow and All Rus'. (The emphasis in the name of the patriarch is on the last syllable.)
The abolition of racial segregation in South Africa. By declaring Kuwait a disputed territory, Iraq launches a large-scale invasion of the country.
To prevent possible Iraqi aggression, US President Bush is sending American troops to Saudi Arabia.
Abolition of censorship in the USSR. The German national team became the World Cup champion, defeating the Argentine national team in Rome with a score of 1:0.
In the USSR, President Gorbachev issues a decree on the rehabilitation of victims of Stalin's repressions and on the return of citizenship to dissidents expelled from the country, including Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
Viktor Tsoi, leader of the Kino group, died. 2.10.1990 At midnight on this day, the German Democratic Republic ceases to exist.
The Nobel Peace Prize is awarded to Mikhail Gorbachev, USSR. Solemn accession to the throne of Akihito, Emperor of Japan
The film "Home Alone" was released on US screens.
On the Indonesian island of Bali, Mick Jagger married American fashion model Jerry Hall, who had been his girlfriend for more than ten years. Margaret Thatcher resigns as Prime Minister of Great Britain. John Major becomes the country's new prime minister.
According to the election results in a united Germany, Helmut Kohl becomes Chancellor of the country. Ted Turner and Jane Fonda have announced their wedding.
Born: Kristen Stewart Jennifer Lawrence Liam Hemsworth
Mario Balotelli Anna Selezneva

January 1990 begins with the demolition of border barriers on the USSR border with Iran in Nakhichevan by thousands of Azerbaijani demonstrators. Armed clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis are taking place in Nagorno-Karabakh. There is an actual uprising in Baku. There are mass demonstrations in Yerevan. Crimean Tatars (deported by Stalin) begin to return to Crimea. Continuous mass demonstrations in Georgia...

What to do, what to do?!

Troops are being sent to Azerbaijan, a state of emergency has been declared in Nagorno-Karabakh and Baku. According to official data, 20 people were killed and 260 wounded in NKAO, and 93 were killed and about 600 wounded in Baku. Thousands of Azerbaijani and Armenian refugees are leaving their homes. Who goes where...

Estonia, Lithuania, Latvia accept a declaration of separation from the USSR and demand the start of negotiations.

The Third Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR in March 1990 elects M.S. Gorbachev as President of the USSR. Elections are not popular, but by delegates to the congress. The Congress changes the wording of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution. Now it is not “The CPSU is the guiding and guiding force of Soviet society...”, but “The CPSU, other political parties, as well as trade unions, youth and other public organizations... take part in the development of the policy of the Soviet state.”
The CPSU monopoly on power has formally ended. But so far only formally.

In May 1990, the First Congress of People's Deputies of Russia began its work, the March elections of which were won by the “democrats”. B. Yeltsin was elected Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of Russia, I. Silaev became Chairman of the Russian Government, and G. Yavlinsky became one of his deputies.
The leadership of Moscow and Leningrad is also among the “democrats”, the Moscow Council is headed by G. Popov, the Leningrad Council is headed by A. Sobchak
In June 1990, the first congress of the Communist Party of Russia opened, and I. Polozkov was elected its leader.

On June 12, 1990, Russia adopted the Declaration of Sovereignty.
Before her, Georgia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia did this. Well, the Balts are understandable. They believe that they were forced into the USSR, occupied, they say.
But after Russia, Turkmenistan, Armenia, Tajikistan declare their statehood, as well as Karelia, Komi, Tatarstan, Sakha-Yakutia, Udmurtia, Chukotka...

And here’s the question: should sovereign states transfer taxes to the union budget? Or is this not necessary? And in full (as established by the Union budget) or or as much as they can? Or whatever they want? Well, you never know what is written in the Constitution of the USSR, we have our own!
Russia, for example, feeds everyone, is first in labor productivity, and fifteenth in spending on social needs. That's what Yeltsin said. And he also said that let everyone take as much sovereignty as they can. And responsibility for the welfare of the people too.
Many leaders in the republics liked these words, especially about sovereignty. Less about responsibility. But, in the end, what is this union center for? Let it bear responsibility, and we will take sovereignty.

Preparation of a union treaty begins, which should define new principles of relations between the center and the republics.
Gorbachev's formula: strong republics, strong center. The Soviet Union as a state remains. Other formulas – there are many of them. Each “sovereign” state has its own. Thank God we didn’t think of entering our money right away.

In July 1990, the XXIII Congress of the CPSU opens. After several days of criticism, denunciations, and attacks on the party leadership, M.S. Gorbachev was elected General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee. Congress delegate B.N. Yeltsin announces his resignation from the CPSU.

100 mines in Donbass begin to go on strike. The demands are the resignation of the Chairman of the USSR Government Ryzhkov, the nationalization of the property of the CPSU.

Preparation of a program of economic reforms begins. Gorbachev and Yeltsin generally agree on the option called “500 days.” But if this program is adopted, then all ministries will have to be reformed, and the Central Committee of the CPSU, and the State Planning Committee, and the KGB, and in general... And in general, if Gorbachev and Yeltsin agree, then the reforms will go even faster, which means that even faster one will get better , while others are worse off.

But what the hell are these reforms for when we need to restore order in the country?!
Moreover, there are “signals” from the localities about the insidious plans of the “democrats” who are holding rallies comparing Gorbachev with Ceausescu, and some half-crazy person is trying to shoot Gorbachev, and more and more alarming news is coming from party organizations. And the Balts declare that the laws of the USSR are no longer for them...
But economics professors just can’t find a common language...
And Gorbachev abandons the “500 days” program. And Yeltsin declares that we ourselves will implement it. But one of the authors of the program, G. Yavlinsky, declares that the program for reforming the economy of the entire USSR cannot be applied to one republic and demonstratively withdraws from the Russian government. Following him, Finance Minister B. Fedorov leaves the Russian government.

And the “parade of sovereignties” is gaining momentum. Inter-republican agreements are concluded between “sovereign” republics. The leadership of the USSR is not involved in this.
Such is the union of republics. Russia adopts its own Russian budget and sets the amount of transfers to the USSR budget for 1991 at 23.4 billion rubles - 119 billion less than in 1990. But the army is still all-Union, and the police, and the KGB, and most industrial enterprises, collective farms... - all this is not a republican economy, but a union one, which is fed from the Union budget.

At the end of October, the founding congress of the Democratic Russia movement is held, which declares its full support for Boris Yeltsin and its opposition to Gorbachev’s course.
The disintegration of the CPSU is accelerating - in 1990 the number of the party decreased by almost 3 million people. The communists handed over their party cards and stopped paying membership dues...
In November 1990, a decision was made to submit for all-Union discussion a draft Union Treaty providing for the creation of the USSR - the Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics.
Yes, yes, no longer socialist, but sovereign.

What is this? Betrayal of socialism?

Gorbachev is trying to strengthen the position of the “center” by reforming the government of the USSR - instead of V. Bakatin, B. Pugo becomes the Minister of Internal Affairs. Gorbachev has a vice-president - G. Yanaev. At the beginning of 1991, V. Pavlov became Prime Minister of the USSR instead of N. Ryzhkov. The Presidential Council is liquidated and the Security Council is created.

In December 1990, at the IV Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, deputy Sazhi Umalatova proposed considering the issue of a vote of no confidence in Gorbachev - it is not the course that needs to be changed, but both the course and the head of state. 400 parliamentarians agree with her. But this turns out to be not enough. Even the Democrats do not support Gorbachev's resignation. The congress speaks out “for preserving the integrity of the country and its name - the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, for the transformation of our multinational state into a voluntary union of sovereign republics - a democratic federal state” and decides on an all-Russian referendum on the preservation of the USSR.
Foreign Minister E. Shevardnadze chaotically and emotionally declares at the congress about the threat of dictatorship and his resignation.
The commander of the Baltic Fleet, Admiral V. Ivanov, also spoke at the congress, saying that “extremist elements create the preconditions for the fact that military personnel at a certain moment may use weapons to protect their families, to protect their children.”

The “most democratic” authorities in Moscow and Leningrad are also experiencing difficulties. The confrontations between Sobchak - Lensoviet, Popov - Mossovet in a situation of economic, financial and economic crisis do not add either speed in decision-making or authority to the “democrats”.

Kommersant, summing up the results of 1990 in this regard, prophetically noted in relation to the authorities of the “two capitals”:

“...the stalemate cannot continue indefinitely, as history shows. A power vacuum is most often replaced by dictatorship...”

The forecast for the country did not look more optimistic:

“...all this may result in an attempt to build “barracks socialism,” the model of which is determined by relative freedom of entrepreneurial activity with high taxes, strict sanctions for failure to fulfill contractual obligations, and “control over the level of labor and consumption.” Naturally, combined with restrictions on political freedoms and a “strong executive branch.” And it’s unlikely that anyone will now be able to answer the question of how long we will live in such a barracks.”

And the year 1990 ends with a series of acts of sabotage committed in Riga on the night of December 26-27. Explosive devices went off on the territory of a kindergarten, a hospital, a school teaching in Russian, and near a house where families of military personnel from the Baltic military district live. There were no casualties.

How did the residents of the USSR evaluate the results of the past 1990?
We are informed about this by the data of a survey by VTsIOM (All-Union Center for the Study of Public Opinion).

VOICE OF THE PEOPLE
- the voice of God?...

1990 has come to an end. How did it turn out for the Soviet Union compared to the previous year, 1989?

Harder than the previous one
Easier than the previous one
Same as the previous one

Indicate among the events of 1990 those that you consider the most important

Events of the year
Election of Boris Yeltsin as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR
German reunification
The decision to restore private land ownership in Russia
Adoption of declarations of sovereignty in Russia and other union republics
Cancellation of Article 6 of the USSR Constitution
Gulf crisis
National clashes in Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Uzbekistan
Election of M. Gorbachev as President of the USSR
Declaration of independence of Lithuania and its consequences
Decree on the return of Soviet citizenship to A. Solzhenitsyn and a number of other dissidents
Dismantling of monuments to Lenin in a number of cities across the country
Transfer of additional powers by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to M. Gorbachev
XXV111th Congress of the CPSU
Difficult to answer

What, in your opinion, was missing for the residents of our country in 1990 (give no more than three answers)?

Who can be called the “person of 1990”?
Write three to five names (in your republic, in the Soviet Union or abroad, men or women) worthy of such a title.

...
Gorbachev
Nazarbayev
Prunskiene

What feelings do you think have emerged and strengthened among the people around you over the past year?

If you knew in 1985 what the changes that began then in the country would lead to, would you support them or not?

How do you feel about the military taking power into their own hands in the current situation and ensuring order in the country?

Survey data
conducted by VTsIOM on December 8–17, 1990.
Moscow News No. 2 March 24, 1991

The year 1991 began -

The last year of the USSR

On January 2 in Latvia, at the request of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Latvia, riot police took protection of the Press House.
On January 7 in Lithuania, a rally is held in front of the Supreme Council building against a threefold increase in food prices.
Prime Minister K. Prunskiene resigns, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Lithuania turns to Gorbachev with a request to introduce direct presidential rule in Lithuania.
Employees of the KGB special unit “Alpha” are sent to Lithuania to “conduct reconnaissance.”

On January 11, in Lithuania, “healthy forces”, represented, of course, by the Communist Party of Lithuania, created the “Committee of Public Safety”, which appealed to the Lithuanian Parliament demanding dissolution. Lithuanians go out to rally in defense of their deputies.
Soviet paratroopers first occupy the Department of Regional Protection, then the House of Press.

On January 12, a decision is made to send representatives of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR to Lithuania, but at night Soviet troops storm the TV tower in Vilnius.
The result of the bloody night to ensure “constitutional order” is as follows: 14 killed, more than 500 wounded.

On January 16, Iraqi troops invade Kuwait and the Americans intervene in the conflict. Another headache for the Soviet leadership. What's next? New war in the Middle East?

Who gave the orders to shoot? Who was in charge? Who's responsible? What's going on in the country? And what is happening in the world?

Preserve the USSR and enforce reforms by force?
For some, this is unacceptable. For others it's normal.

Mass demonstrations in Moscow, Leningrad, letters and telegrams of protest are evidence of rejection of forceful solutions to political and economic problems.
At the same time, this is evidence of the support of those who advocate the non-use of force.

Gorbachev is for a strong center and the preservation of the USSR. Yeltsin is for a strong Russia and the sovereignty of the republics.
Who are the Russians for?

Gorbachev is the President of the USSR. But none of those responsible for the bloodshed have been punished or dismissed. Is this the same president? And anyway, is this the President?
Isn't it time to "use power"?
But against whom?

A referendum on preserving the USSR is planned for March 1991. The wording of the question is complex, ornate and reminiscent of the question “Are you for a good life for everyone?” Who will answer “no”? But what will happen after the referendum?
Meanwhile, the new Prime Minister V. Pavlov is carrying out a monetary reform - exchanging old-style banknotes for new ones. Those who didn't have time are late. And then – price reform. For all products. On the upward side.

On February 19, Yeltsin announced the need for Gorbachev’s resignation.
On February 21, a group of deputies of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR (S. Goryacheva, B. Isaev, R. Abdulatipov, V. Isakov, A. Veshnyakov, V. Syrovatko) demanded Yeltsin’s resignation.
February 23 – a rally in Moscow of military personnel and supporters of the CPSU.
February 24 in Moscow – counter-rally of Yeltsin supporters.
On February 27, a Conference of socio-political and national-patriotic associations is being held in Moscow. Among the speakers are the First Secretary of the Communist Party of the RSFSR I. Polozkov, General V. Varennikov, writer Yu. Bondarev, singer L. Zykina...
March 1 – a strike of Kuzbass miners begins with economic and political demands, including the resignation of Gorbachev.

In March, a referendum shows that the overwhelming majority of citizens of Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Kazakhstan are in favor of preserving the USSR.
But at the same time, Russians are in favor of introducing the post of president in Russia. And Ukrainians are for Ukraine’s membership in the USSR on the basis of the Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine.
Is it possible to combine all this? And How?

On March 28, the III Extraordinary Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR began its work. The day before, the Prime Minister of the USSR (Pavlov) announced a ban on holding rallies, marches and demonstrations in Moscow. Troops are being sent to the capital.
Deputies suspend the work of the congress, and hundreds of thousands of Muscovites participate in demonstrations in support of Yeltsin.
No decision was made to use troops. The troops were withdrawn.

In April 1991, the President of the USSR and the leaders of 9 union republics at a meeting in Novo-Ogarevo (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Georgia, and Armenia did not participate) adopted a statement “On urgent measures to stabilize the situation in the country and overcome the crisis.” Joint work begins on a new Union Treaty, which is completed at the end of July 1991.

From an interview with V. Alksnis (deputy group “Union”):

At the March referendum, the people voted for the “union of republics”, and at the “9+1” meeting another formulation was heard - “union of sovereign states”...
- In fact, this is an attempt at a coup d'état...
- Are you in favor of introducing a state of emergency in the country?
- Yes. In my opinion, we need to go through the stage of a strong authoritarian government that will be able to ensure economic reforms.
- You are talking about the inevitability of civil war. When will it start?
- She's already coming...

When did Y. Shevchuk write his famous “Revolution” - about the “premonition of a civil war...”?

Was it not during these months when independent media conducted a “systematic campaign of slander against the party, the armed forces, the KGB, the Ministry of Internal Affairs”? And the party leadership, the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in turn, tried to “liquidate democratic and economic transformations and preserve the Soviet empire”?

This is how Democrats and Conservatives assessed each other’s positions.

And they all assessed the activities of the President of the USSR more and more critically.

At the Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee (April 24-25, 1991), Gorbachev was directly required to legislatively consolidate the status of the ruling party for the CPSU, restore control over the media, and, ultimately, either introduce a state of emergency in the country or leave. And Gorbachev announces that he is leaving. Right now. But not from the presidents, but from the General Secretaries of the CPSU Central Committee.
The party members announce a break, gather the Politburo and ask Mikhail Sergeevich to remain at the head of the party. Gorbachev persists. And then the Politburo decides by vote “based on the highest interests...” to withdraw Gorbachev’s proposal for his resignation from the post of General Secretary from consideration.

May is marked by intense pre-election struggle between candidates for the post of President of Russia.
“Democratic Russia” is fighting for the election of Yeltsin, while simultaneously putting forward slogans for the nationalization of the property of the CPSU, the Communist Party of Russia is fighting for the election of N. Ryzhkov.
Gorbachev is fighting for the signing of the Union Treaty. No longer with democrats and conservatives, but with heads of sovereign states who fear both the dictates of the new union center and its control.

On June 17, the text of the Union Treaty on the Union of Soviet Sovereign (again, non-socialist) republics is sent for discussion to the republics of the USSR.
On June 17, a closed meeting of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR takes place, at which the future putschists speak - Pavlov, Yazov, Pugo, Kryuchkov... The army is falling apart, crime is intensifying, the CIA is becoming more active, the laws of the USSR are not being implemented...
The Prime Minister needs emergency powers to save the economy and the country... The same as the President of the USSR...

On July 12, Boris Yeltsin takes office, takes the oath, receives the blessing of the Patriarch of All Rus' and congratulations from Gorbachev.

July 20 B. Yeltsin signs the Decree “On the cessation of the activities of organizational structures of political parties and mass social movements in state bodies, institutions and organizations of the RSFSR” - departization decree

July 23 – another meeting of the leaders of the republics in Novo-Ogarevo. The text of the Union Treaty has been finally agreed upon.

July 25-26 – the next Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee to discuss the new Party Program. And, of course, about who allowed the election of the democrat Yeltsin as President, who retreated from the ideas of communism and socialism, and who allows Yeltsin to expel party committees from enterprises...

From August 21, it will be a different country. Slightly smaller in territory and population. Its government bodies will change, their composition will change, and in general a lot will change. Very, very much.

On July 29, Gorbachev holds a confidential meeting with the head of Russia B. Yeltsin and the head of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev...
They agreed, in particular, that after the signing of the Union Treaty, personnel decisions would be implemented - the head of the KGB Kryuchkov, Prime Minister Pavlov, Defense Minister Yazov, Internal Affairs Minister Pugo, Vice President Yanaev, head of the State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company Kravchenko would be removed from their posts. posts Later - the adoption of a new Constitution, new elections of people's deputies of the USSR. It is obvious that the parliament of the Union of Sovereign States can be headed by someone new, not Lukyanov.

The conversation was monitored by the KGB. Kryuchkov became aware of the end of his career. And not only him.

Party committees, in accordance with Yeltsin’s decree on departitionization, must leave enterprises.
And one more nuance - approval by the deputies of the Union and Russian parliaments of the Union Treaty before its signing is not necessary for its signing by the presidents of the Union republics.

The text of the Union Treaty, finally agreed on July 23, was published (not an official publication) in Moscow News in the issue that came out on August 18.
In the same issue - the article “The State Bank warns” the Chairman of the State Bank of the USSR V. Gerashchenko with an appeal to the Federation Council and the Supreme Councils of the Republics that certain articles of the agreement, if not changed, will lead “to the collapse of monetary circulation in the country and the disastrous impact of this process on the entire national economy and well-being of the country."
The legal department of MN, commenting on the agreement in the article “Did Sakharov dream about this?” focuses on the fact that perhaps it would be better to create a system of trade and economic agreements before signing the Treaty?

In general, we still need to work on the text of the Union Treaty.

But not only MN and Gerashchenko think so...

Waiting for change

History goes in a spiral. 61 years after Stalin’s “great turning point,” Gorbachev’s came with the opposite sign. A particularly amusing sign of it was the election of M.S. as President of the USSR by behind-the-scenes voting. Gorbachev. There is a president, but his state is almost in agony. One after another, the union republics declare their sovereignty, and the Balts are already ready to declare independence. It doesn’t exist yet, but the process of stealing Russian oil has already begun there.

The Union Republic of Azerbaijan (or Azebirjan in Gorbachev’s transcription) practically declared war on the Union Republic of Armenia over Karabakh. In Kyrgyzstan, there is mutual massacre of Kyrgyz and Uzbeks. The withdrawal of Soviet troops from the Warsaw Pact countries has begun, and the generals are learning the exciting profession of a businessman.

The Soviet era is ending. Some see her off with tears, some with joy. Many things happen for the last time. In May, the USSR national team, led by captain Fetisov, became the world hockey champion for the last time. There will be no more country like this. The last, 28th Congress of the CPSU takes place in July. Students will no longer be tormented with materials from congresses.

And a new era is knocking on the door. On January 31, the first McDonald's opens in Moscow and huge queues line up. People are already accustomed to smart programs on television. On October 26, the stupid one - “Field of Miracles” - will finally start.

Printing houses are churning out new maps of the country, cities, and subways. Because Tver and Nizhny Novgorod, the Lubyanka and Okhotny Ryad stations appeared.

On a gloomy October day in Novocherkassk, a modest forwarder, Andrei Chikatilo, was arrested. As always, the popularity of a criminal in the media outweighs the popularity of decent people. But not in the case of the unifier of Germany, Mikhail Gorbachev, who will receive the Nobel Peace Prize in December.

Pavel Kuzmenko

—The Chukchi paid the prostitute with three fox skins. The girl thinks that this is not enough for a fur coat, and offers him more. - Well, if you want, oh... The Chukchi paid the prostitute with three fox skins. The girl thinks that this is not enough for a fur coat, and offers him more. “Well, if you want,” the Chukchi answers and takes the skins from her. - Hey, why did you take them?! - The Chukchi wants - the Chukchi pays, if you want - you pay Type:

In 1990, events in the USSR began to rapidly spiral out of control of the country's leadership. Already in February, two million (!) demonstrations took place in Moscow under the slogan “Down with the CPSU!” In the same month, Art. 6 on the “leading and guiding role” of the Communist Party. However, no concessions could calm the raging waves of protest in the country in disarray. The people and adventurers of all stripes sensed the weakness and indecisiveness of the retreating government. From now on, almost anything was possible.

The fall of the Great Empire was close and inevitable.

Tent city near the Kremlin walls:

The tent camp on Vasilievsky Spusk stood for six months in 1990:

Almost all the union republics were consumed by the frenzy of nationalist movements demanding independence. In the Baltics, nationalists already dominated the republican authorities.

Demonstration for the independence of Lithuania on January 10, 1990:

Gorbachev went to the Lithuanian capital and tried in vain to persuade the local community to remain in the Union on the most favorable terms.

Gorbachev has a lively conversation with residents of Vilnius on January 11, 1990:

On March 2, 1990, the Supreme Council of Lithuania announced the republic’s secession from the USSR.
The Union government did not recognize this act and a sluggish political confrontation began, at times turning into bloody clashes between Soviet security forces and local activists.

Two Soviet paratroopers inspect weapons confiscated from a local police organization in Kaunas, March 26, 1990:

Soldiers of the Soviet Army on the streets of Riga after a demonstration on May 4 to commemorate the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence of Latvia:

Participants of the rally near the building of the Supreme Council of Ukraine against the new Union Treaty, October 1, 1990:

Somewhere blood was already flowing with might and main and houses were burning.

Interethnic conflict in the Kyrgyz SSR, 1990:

Mass riots that occurred in Dushanbe from February 10 to 17, 1990. Ruins of the Carpets store. Vladimir Fedorenko/RIA Novosti:

And only in the RSFSR nationalist sentiments were limited to small indoor circles like the Memory society:

The Russian protest movement developed under liberal-democratic slogans, while anti-Soviet sentiments were so far bizarrely expressed in the demand “all power to the soviets!”:

Against the backdrop of empty shelves in the USSR, the private trade sector and cooperative business were increasingly formed, which further undermined the old system of Soviet trade.

December 1, 1990. Whiskey on the shelf of a commercial store. Ptitsyn. RIA:

A line of six thousand people lined up in front of the doors of the Eliseevsky store in the hope of buying alcohol, 1990:

Queue at the first McDonald's, 1990:

Soviet woman in an empty grocery store. Peter Turnley, 1990:

Western journalists simply relished such footage, which will fill Russian liberals with meaning for the next 25 years:

Delicacy bananas 1990:

Vegetable kiosk on Lenin Square Leningrad 1990:

Sale of milk in Leningrad, 1990:

Bread on the shelves. Peter Turnley, 1990:

Advertisement in a hardware store window, 1990:

In 1990, the idol of millions of television viewers became the democratic St. Petersburg journalist Alexander Nevzorov, who would soon unexpectedly turn into a “reactionary imperialist,” but this would happen in January of the following year, 1991:

Fans of the group "Kino", Moscow, 1990:

While chaos and disorganization were growing in the country, Gorbachev was basking in the rays of glory on the international stage, or more precisely, in the West. They simply prayed for him there.

Joint press conference of Margaret Thatcher and Mikhail Gorbachev in Moscow, RIA Novosti, 1990:

In March 1990, Gorbachev was declared “president of the USSR” in the Western style:

Meanwhile, the leaders of the largest union republics were already conspiring behind his back:

In June 1990, Boris Yeltsin, Gorbachev’s personal enemy and the country’s future gravedigger, became Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR:

In 1990, Moscow celebrated the anniversary of the October Revolution at the government level for the last time:

The old Soviet life was becoming a thing of the past forever.

Moscow. Street scene. Peter Turnley, 1990:

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